¶Trotsky is often considered as Stalin’s enemy. In fact he was Stalin’s competitor. Let’s explain:
¶The opposition (that will later become Trotskyist) appears in 26-27
as a (quite late) reaction to the counterrevolutionary position of
socialism in one country.
But this position of Trotsky will only
be a theoretical position in so far as Trotsky will always defend
capitalism in Russia and everywhere else in the world. Trotskyists will
defend the participation to the so-called second
world war and to
all the following ones. If in ’27, Trotsky’s reaction to the Canton and
Shanghai massacre of the insurrected proletarians is correct, in total
antagonism with this position, he will support the massacres of the
proletarians in Spain and critically support all the left bourgeoisie
initiatives.
¶Inside the Third International he attacks the Left, calling them
anarchists
or adventurous,
he led the crushing of the
proletarian insurrection in Kronstadt, he impulsed the militarisation of
labour, and praised the Taylor system (increasing of exploitation of
human labour)… In two words: Trotsky always supported the development of
capitalism. He never realised/understood the transformation/liquidation
of the proletarian organs of 1917 into organs of management of capital.
He was blind to the capitalist nature of the relations of production in
Russia.
¶The communist revolution means the destruction of production, value, the abolition of wage labour, total suppression of democracy, be it called popular, direct, liberal or libertarian.
¶Trotsky fights against the participation of the communists to the Kuomintang (1923) and against the policy of the Third International which praised the alliance with the Chinese bourgeoisie against the insurrected proletarians. Correct! But he does not makes a principle out of this position, he does not consider this position as something true always and everywhere, as an important point of the communist programme: anti-frontism.
¶In 1933, he wants that all the groups of the Trotskyist
opposition
enter the bourgeois social-democrat parties (the same
he condemned in 1920) to make entryism.
That is equivalent to
trying to wake up a dead body. We consider entryism is trying to
conquest a cadaver from the inside! Trotskyist organisations made
entryism inside the organisations created under the Vichy regime in
France in order to organize revolutionary nucleus
!!!
¶Our criticisms globally concern the critical support to parliament,
ministries, elections… the participation to imperialist conflicts
supporting the weakest
imperialism (Russia, Tito, Ben Bella,
Khomeyni, Allende, Ho Chi Min…) supporting national liberation
struggles.
¶We denounce the theory defending the existence of degenerated
worker states.
According to this point of view, in those states, the
means of production are fair,
and the means of distribution are
unfair.
We consider this as total bullshit! The production
determines the essence, the very nature of the distribution and all the
ideological forms that justify the latter. In Russia as well as
everywhere in the world economy is based on the law of value, therefore,
what is the difference? Nationalisation? State property? No, because it
does not attack property. On the one hand, the bourgeois property of the
means of production is reinforced and more centralised, on the other
hand there is no change in the essence of the relations of
production.
¶We also denounce the theory of the permanent revolution according to
which the accomplishment of democratic tasks in bourgeois backward
countries
So making
the bourgeois revolution would automatically lead to making the
proletarian revolution that would put the finishing touches to the
bourgeois revolution. That is how the bourgeois revolution could
directly
leads them to the dictatorship of the
proletariat which puts the socialist tasks on the agenda.permanently
give birth to the proletarian revolution, just as if
the latter was a simple and more or less mechanical extension,
continuation of the first.
¶Proletarian revolution will destroy democracy, impose the proletarian
class power in order to abolish all classes and all powers. The fact
that capital always developed by poles of concentration that moved along
the centuries does [not] contradict the fact that it is a worldwide
relation of production and that the proletarians have no country to
defend, no homeland to die for. National liberation, the oppressed
nations,
the socialist countries
are bourgeois ideologies to
prevent class war!
¶And last point of the Trotskyist theory we denounce: the transitional programme.
¶For Trotsky there are two programs: a minimum programme (economical
demands, immediate interests) and a maximum programme (political
demands, historical interests), and between them, there is a bridge: the
transitional program, the preparation to the taking of the power.
This transitional program is the basis of the 4th International. It says
that the productive forces of humanity have stopped growing and that the
objective basis of capital is ready for revolution. What is missing is
the subjective factor, i.e: the revolutionary leadership. That is the
role of the 4th International. Separation between immediate and
historical interests of the proletariat, separation between the
masses
and the leaders,
the bellies and the heads, the
oppressed and the imperialist countries, the subjective and the
objective conditions, these counterrevolutionary theories serve as
lifeguard for capital.
¶For us the transition between capital and communism will be the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the transitional programme can only be the tasks necessary to dictatorially destroy capital.